By Swapan Dasgupta
There is little doubt that for the moment Arvind
Kejriwal has created panic in the cosy world of politics. His well-publicised
and seemingly relentless pursuit of big ticket corruption has unsettled the arrangement
whereby electoral politics, while fiercely competitive, are also friendly
matches. With all the understandable over-zealousness of a newcomer determined
to make his mark, he has tried to transform politics into a gladiatorial
face-off where only the winner lives to fight another day.
That Kejriwal and his very determined band of
supporters are punching well above their weight is well known. This is
privately conceded by sober members of India Against Corruption. There is no
evidence so far that the promoters of ‘new politics’ have penetrated the
grassroots and forged a cadre capable of managing elections. As behoves a body
that is disproportionately dependant on the media for its publicity and
sustenance, the IAC’s influence is, for the present, confined to Delhi.
This is, of course, not to suggest, that its
geographical spread will continue to remain confined to India’s version of the
Beltway. It is only a matter of time before the new party enters into working
relationship with disparate ‘people’s movements’ that have mushroomed all India
in opposition to nuclear reactors, steel plants and human rights violations. There
are many ideologically-driven activists in the IAC who seek to emulate the
experience of the Green Party and the boisterous anti-globalisation movements in
Europe and Latin America. If their project to link the anger against corruption,
capitalism and globalisation is even partially successful, the real catchment
area for Kejriwal’s party will not be the BJP-inclined lower middle classes of
urban India but those who, in another age, kept the Red Flag flying in many
pockets of India.
There has always been a space for the organised Left
in India. However, over the past decade the two main Communist parties have
ossified and ceased to be points of inspiration. To some extent the vacated
space has been occupied by the Maoists who are waging war on the state.
Kejriwal’s new alliance of the fragments has the potential of creating an
alternative pole of attraction.
In the long-term, an IAC-inspired cluster poses no
real challenge to the Congress, BJP, the caste parties and the regional
parties. It, however, constitutes a serious intervention within the domain of
what is loosely called Left politics. But this in turn is likely to jeopardise
the unity of the movement. Once the novelty of Kejriwal’s interventions wears
off and the new force shifts attention to issues other than corruption, it is
quite possible that cracks in the IAC will appear. Indeed, if other opposition
parties, particularly the BJP, take corrective action and are seen to get real
about corruption, it is entirely possible that the middle class support for
electoral interventions by Kejriwal’s party will shrink.
It would, however, be extremely short-sighted for
the mainstream parties to take comfort from the inherent limitations of the new
movement. The burst of activism that began with Anna Hazare’s fasts and
included Baba Ramdev’s short-lived intervention has brought anti-corruption to
the forefront of the political agenda. Insofar as the instances of corruption
by public figures have also involved corporate houses, the movement has also
called into question the moral credentials of India Inc. There is visible
divide that has emerged between those who see tough economic reforms as
inevitable if India is to live up to its potential and the great mass of people
who resent having to pay more by way of taxes, fuel and cooking gas prices,
electricity charges and housing because of the sheer immorality of
decision-making India. Those who charge—and often quite rightly—Kejriwal of
injecting public life with a lynch mob mentality overlook the fact that it is a
venal dysfunctional state that has enhanced the appeal of direct action using
unorthodox means. In particular, the Congress has reason to rue its own
short-sightedness that led to the needless political assault on institutions
that in more settled times cushioned the country against rampant venality.
There is a common project before all political
parties, including those who have either been burnt or singed by Kejriwal’s
anti-corruption crusade. First, it is important that a message is sent out that
all those who have been tainted by corruption and cronyism should be allowed to
fade away from political life. This involves taking awkward decisions and often
going against the principle of ‘winnability’ that determines ticket
distribution during elections. But the systemic crisis is so deep that
half-way, cosmetic measures will no longer suffice. People have detected rotten
elements in the system and these must be seen to be discarded.
Secondly, it is clear that corruption is invariably
the consequence of the misuse of discretionary powers. It is imperative that
decision-making of the government is made rule-based and completely
transparent.
Finally, it is important to send a clear message to
India Inc that it too is part of the problem and that its commitment to ethical
business practices has been uneven. In future, the priority of government must
not be special concessions to corporates but the creation of an environment
where there is fair competition and a level playing field for all. India needs
a leader with the ability to spray the government and the political system with
weed killers.
Asian Age/ Deccan Chronicle, October 19, 2012
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