By Swapan Dasgupta
The British Empire, it has been suggested by at
least one historian, was built on the principle of “Ornamentalism”—an
innovative euphemism for pomp, splendour and pageantry. When it came to
rewarding the distinguished men (women rarely featured) who served the Empire,
the authorities were more than mindful that India is extremely
status-conscious. One of the perquisites of loyalty, apart from Knighthoods and
Rai Bahadur/ Khan Bahadur titles, was the privilege of being exempted from
personal appearance in the civil courts.
Independent India has often made a fetish of
repudiating the legacy of Empire. There is a sneer that invariably accompanies
the invocation of the ‘colonial legacy’, despite the endurance of Lord
Macaulay’s Indian Penal Code. In practice, however, our present-day rulers
appear unwilling to dispense with the more iniquitous facets of Empire, particularly
when it comes to privileges for the well-connected and the loyal.
Nothing highlights this more than the contrived
outrage in rarefied circles of Delhi and Mumbai over the conviction of actor
Sanjay Dutt under the Arms Act by the Supreme Court and his consequent
five-year jail sentence (of which he has to serve some 42 months).
That many Bollywood producers whose films starring
Sanjay are at a midway stage will be deeply upset by the apex court judgment is
understandable. There is also likely to be considerable sympathy for his family
and the deep embarrassment to his sister who represents a Mumbai constituency
for the ruling Congress Party in the Lok Sabha. In addition, there are those
who lament the misfortune that has hit the son of Sunil Dutt and Nargis, both
highly regarded public figures. The case of Sanjay Dutt is indeed tragic.
Appreciating and sympathising with a personal
tragedy is one thing but extending it to the realms of public policy is
altogether different. This crucial distinction, plus the principle of ‘equality
before law’ appears to have escaped the understanding of stalwarts such as
Press Council chairman Justice Markandeya Katju and some other political and
personal friends of Sanjay. With his penchant from going from the sublime,
Katju has even suggested that Sanjay’s stellar role in popularising Gandhi-giri
through a popular Bollywood film should be taken into consideration in judging
the quantum of punishment. Sections of the political class have cited Katju’s
pseudo-judicial opinion to argue for a pardon.
And the Law Minister Ashwini Kumar who, strictly
speaking should not be commenting on individual cases, has let it be known that
the Governor of Maharashtra K. Sankaranarayan “will use his discretionary power
when there will be an appeal to him. He has the power to pardon”. Since the
Governor is a political appointee who has served the Congress Party well in the
past, the Law Minister’s use of the term “will” (as reported in Indian Express
of March 23) assumes enormous significance. There is an inescapable suggestion
that a pardon for Sanjay Dutt is pre-determined.
The law, as Mr Bumble famously said, “is an ass”. It
may also be unmindful of the “quality of mercy”; but the scales of justice are held
blindfolded. There can’t be one standard for Sanjay Dutt and another for the
others convicted in the same case. If Sanjay is to be spared the ordeal of
serving time in jail, a corresponding degree of generosity must be the norm for
the others, including the 10 who have been awarded life imprisonment and Yakub
Memon who is to hang.
It is important to recall the magnitude of Sanjay’s
offence. He is not being punished because he happens to be a star and the son
of famous parents. His offence is grave because he used his privileged position
to arrange a safe venue for a cache of arms and explosives that had been
received from Pakistan by the underworld to organise the serial blasts in March
1993 that killed 257 innocent people and seriously injured another 713. What
Sanjay did was not merely brandish an AK-56 assault rifle and a 9mm revolver
before a mirror and pretend he was Rambo. He directly facilitated a massacre of
monumental proportions, an offence that was no less serious than the massacre
by Pakistan-trained terrorists on November 26, 2008.
In fairness, as the Public Prosecutor has pointed
out, Sanjay should have been prosecuted under the stringent TADA. Instead, the
CBI, for reasons that don’t need too much probing, dropped the charges under
TADA and prosecuted him under the Arms Act where conviction involves a lesser
quantum of punishment. Now that the punishment has been sanctioned by the
highest court, there is a clamour to spare him all further punishment.
In 1994, shortly after Sunjay had first been
arrested for his role as a facilitator in the Dawood-organised act of terrorism,
I met Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray who told me ominously of an impending
“civil war” in India. Having heard him out, I gently asked him why, in that
case, was he pleading for leniency for Sanjay. In his inimitable style,
Thackeray retorted: “What that boy needs is three tight slaps.”
Sunday Pioneer, March 24, 2013
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