By Swapan Dasgupta
Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh is an extremely cautious man—a reason why he has endured in the
cut-throat world of public life for nearly three decades. Yet, for a brief
moment last week he, very uncharacteristically, almost let his guard down. I
say ‘almost’ because, like a good politician, Singh was careful enough to leave
for himself an exit route.
The issue was the kerfuffle
over the Vijay Mallya-owned Kingfisher Airways which is in dire financial
straits, having defaulted on its payments of aviation fuel and having cancelled
nearly 50 flights on one day, much to the chagrin of fare-paying passengers. On
his return flight from the SAARC summit in the Maldives, the Prime Minister was
asked about the issue in his customary on-flight interaction with the media. He
cautiously prefaced his remarks with the caveat that “I have
not applied my mind to Kingfisher’s problems”. But then he went on to add: “When
I get back, I will talk to (Civil Aviation Minister) Vayalar Ravi and we
will explore ways and means in which the airlines can be helped.”
A few years ago, such a gesture by a Prime
Minister to help an ailing Indian company, public sector or private, would have
been treated as pretty routine and, indeed, obligatory. Trade unionists would
have been up in arms against possible job losses and may have even called for a
nationwide airlines strike that in turn would have forced the government’s
hands; the Left would have declaimed about the pitfalls of deregulating a ‘strategic’
sector and may well have called for the restoration of Air India’s monopoly
over domestic air travel; and well-heeled industrialists and MPs would have
discreetly lobbied the Finance Minister asking him to instruct the public
sector banks to offer extra lines of credit to a company in difficulty.
This was how business was done in India in the
bad old days, when the ‘commanding heights’ of the economy corresponded to the
imperatives of the ‘socialistic’ pattern of society. It is a commentary on how much
India has changed in the 20 years of liberalisation that none of this happened.
Instead, public opinion—howsoever imperfectly that is measured—appeared to veer
round to the view that Mallya must be allowed to stew in his own juice and that
special accommodation to Kingfisher by the political class would be tantamount
to crony capitalism. From CPI(M) MPs to the ever-voluble Rahul Bajaj, it was
agreed that it was bad form to nationalise losses and privatise profits.
So huge was the outcry against any proposed
bailout or politically-inspired ‘restructuring’ of Kingfisher’s debts that both
the Civil Aviation minister and those claiming to speak for the Prime Minister
had to beat a hasty retreat. Instead, stern-faced bankers made it clear that
there was no question of pouring in more good money into a bottomless pit. Like
the much-despised International Monetary Fund, the banks demanded
‘conditionalities’, most notably a fresh infusion of equity by the promoter, if
necessary by the conversion of inter-corporate debt into equity.
It is not that there was no appreciation of
Mallya’s assertion that the various social obligations of domestic
carriers—such as servicing the North-east—put unacceptable burdens on an
airline. There was also a realisation that the restrictions on foreign direct
investment, the huge sales tax burden on aviation fuel and exorbitant airport
charges made it impossible for the aviation sector to grow. However, there was
also the corresponding appreciation that while the sectoral grievances needed
addressing, these were issues that weren’t specific to Kingfisher. For example,
it was noted that the low-cost airline IndiGo had returned profits, despite
operating in a difficult environment, because it had a robust business model.
If Kingfisher was to be ‘accommodated’ for its quirky management style, why
shouldn’t IndiGo be rewarded with lower interest rates as a prize for
efficiency?
The manner in which the debate was conducted over
the past week is very revealing and has implications for the future of economic
decision-making.
First, it is clear that future bailouts of the
limping public sector Air India is going to be fiercely resisted on the
strength of the argument that there has to be a level playing field for all
companies, including the public sector.
Secondly, it is clear that in the coming months
cosy bailout packages for profligate or inefficient private sector companies
that have good political connections will be fiercely disputed in the political
arena. Coupled with the 2-G scam and the public movement against crony
capitalism, the space for leveraging political clout in business has shrunk.
Bankers will be wary of sticking their necks out and politicians will be loath
to put in the proverbial good word to the government on behalf of those
corporates that have made a virtue of adding to non-performing assets.
Deccan Chronicle/ Asian Age, November 18, 2010
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